Interview with Dr. Gosnell Yorke - Obama IS America!
Yorke Lecture - Obama IS America!
Modern journalism via intelligently designed calls to action for change...
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Jornalismo moderno atraves de llamadas desenadas inteligentemente para el Cambio ! Venga y comparte sus pensamientos con nosotros!
For the international community: Help us Americans know more about you and what YOU find important!
05/27/2009
President Obama, the alleged "fierce advocate" for LGBT rights, is scheduled to attend a Democratic Party fundraiser at the Beverly Hilton tonight, one day after White House spokesman Robert Gibbs refused to offer any official response to the Supreme Court's decision to uphold Proposition 8 in California.
A Courage Campaign-organized demonstration is scheduled to take place in front of the Beverly Hilton this evening. The group writes: "Let's take this opportunity, just one day after the CA Supreme Court makes its decision on Proposition 8, to show our President our support for his daring promise to our community and to highlight the growing movement towards FULL FEDERAL EQUALITY."
Attending the demonstration will be recently discharged (under 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell') Lt. Dan Choi and other LGBT military servicemembers: "They will ask for response from President Obama to the letter signed by 136,000 people asking the president not to fire Lt. Choi by ending DADT."
How long can President Obama remain mute on his promises to the LGBT voters who elected him?
SPHERE: RELATED CONTENTPOSTED 10:41 AM EST BY ANDY IN BARACK OBAMA, CALIFORNIA, DON'T ASK, DON'T TELL, GAY MARRIAGE, GAY RIGHTS, NEWS, PROPOSITION 8 | PERMALINK

Two presidents for the price of one? That was the joke when Bill and Hillary Clinton made their respective presidential bids. In the case of Barack Obama's victorious quest for the presidency, the joke became reality. There are two Obamas. One is the foreign policy president whom America needs at this moment in history. The other is a domestic policy president who has yet to find his way.
In foreign policy, Obama is just the president the U.S. required after eight disastrous years of George W. Bush. In a remarkably short period of time, the president has done much to revive the reputation of the U.S. among its allies and enemies alike. No American president since John F. Kennedy has combined charisma with the ability to inspire people around the world with visions like Obama's call for the ultimate eradication of nuclear weapons.
And talk has been joined with action. Quietly and undramatically, but thoroughly and systematically, the president has repudiated one Bush-era policy after another. The Bush administration was arrogant and unilateral. The Obama administration is modest and multilateral. The new president has signaled a willingness to engage Iran, partly lifted the ban on the travel of Americans to Cuba and, to the horror of the American right, has shaken hands with Hugo Chavez.
Many are upset that the Obama administration won't prosecute Americans who tortured U.S. prisoners during the Bush years for war crimes. But the administration's release of appalling details about the Bush administration's torture methods is the bravest sunshine policy since the Church Committee revealed part of the sordid history of U.S. assassination plots in the 1970s.
Obama's decision to reinforce U.S. troops in Afghanistan may or may not succeed (assuming that we can settle on a definition of success in the region). But like his plan to prudently draw down U.S. forces in Iraq, it reflects his correct assessment that the Iraq war from the very beginning was an unnecessary and costly distraction from the battle against Osama bin Laden's allies and sponsors in Afghanistan.
Then there's domestic Obama. In economic policy, Obama has been as uncertain as he has been successful in foreign policy. His fundamental error was to place National Economic Council director Larry Summers and Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner in charge of the U.S. economic recovery effort. Geithner's credibility was damaged by his failure to pay taxes, while revelations about what Summers earned from the hedge fund D.E. Shaw and Goldman Sachs struck many as proof that Obama's team has been subject to what the economist Joe Stiglitz calls "regulatory capture" by Wall Street. The problem is not so much corruption as groupthink. It was never realistic to think that an individual like Summers, who spent much of his adult career supporting the discredited establishment consensus regarding financial regulation and trade, could think outside of a box he helped to build, even if he hadn't been paid handsomely by some of the architects of global economic disaster. And yet Obama, relying on Summers and Geithner, has failed to seek counsel from economists and other experts with alternative views. The assertion that domestic Obama is too cautious, incrementalist and deferential to experts like Summers and Geithner may seem strange, in light of Republican claims that the president is a revolutionary trying to impose European-style socialism on America. Isn't his budget full of bold, sweeping initiatives with respect to energy, healthcare and education? As Talullah Bankhead said on leaving an avant-garde play, "There is less in this than meets the eye." Many of the president's initiatives combine grand visions with proposed changes or appropriations that are best described by the technical social science terms "piddly" and "dinky."
According to progressive economists as diverse as James K. Galbraith and Paul Krugman, the stimulus itself may have been much too small. Obama's grand vision of high-speed rail, on close examination, turned out to be a combination of an old, familiar map of proposed routes with relatively small-scale funding. Other, genuinely big initiatives like a comprehensive cap-and-trade scheme are likely to die in Congress. A cynic might wonder whether the smart people in the administration know this and are treating mere official proposals that fail to go anywhere as sufficient payoffs to important Democratic constituencies like environmentalists.
The truth is there aren't two Obamas, only one Obama in two situations. The very qualities of temperament that are virtues for the president in foreign policy -- caution and a tendency to defer to the credentialed experts -- are vices when it comes to domestic policy.
Obama was right to hold over Defense Secretary Gates and Gen. Petraeus from the Bush administration. These moderate realists had repudiated radical neoconservatism in the last couple of years of Bush's second term. By contrast, Summers and Geithner share many of the assumptions of Hank Paulson during Bush's last few months in office. And Paulson, unlike Gates, did not break with the orthodoxy of the Republican right of the last few decades. On the contrary, despite minimal concessions to the need for more regulation, that market triumphalist orthodoxy continues under Obama. It is as though Donald Rumsfeld had remained secretary of defense until the end of Bush's term and Obama had allowed him not only to stay in office but to continue to pursue the failed neocon foreign policy design.
In January, Geithner ruled out any consideration of nationalization of insolvent banks thus: "We have a financial system that is run by private shareholders, managed by private institutions, and we'd like to do our best to preserve that system." Implicitly, he endorsed the old slur of the right that liberals (in this case proponents of Swedish-style temporary nationalization) are un-American enemies of private enterprise. Summers recently told Time magazine that cutting Social Security and Medicare, by methods that might include forcing Americans in their 60s to work longer, will soon be on the agenda of the administration. The American people voted against John McCain, who idealized markets and spread alarm about entitlements. And they got Barack Obama, whose most important economic policymakers idealize markets and promise to cut entitlements.
In his defense, it might be pointed out that Obama has been on the road. And perhaps this is part of the problem. Obama seems to be more comfortable in foreign policy than in domestic policy, and the adulation that he received abroad even as a presidential candidate must be gratifying. But he can't run for prime minister of Britain or chancellor of Germany, and if his conservative economic team fails to put the U.S. economy back on the track to sustained, long-term prosperity, popularity in foreign countries won't prevent him from being a one-term failure at home. We had a president who did more than any other to achieve Middle Eastern peace and yet was viewed as dithering and incompetent in responding to economic crisis. Barack Obama needs to combine his welcome skills in foreign policy with a yet-unseen boldness in economic policy, if he is to avoid the fate of Jimmy Carter.
Regrettably, the Obama administration seems to be fumbling the ball on an economic policy course that restores confidence in the American economy on both the optics level and also on a substantive front that reorganizes the "social contract" and design of the real economy in the U.S.
Obama, in his 'loyalty' to his current economic team and the mistakes they are making is the antithesis of Abraham Lincoln. Obama may have tried to mimic Lincoln's "team of rivals" approach to politics -- but he needs to read the chapters on the number of generals Lincoln fired during the Civil War to finally get things moved forward.
Obama may need to fire a number of his economic generals who have been trying to restore Wall Street to what it once was -- not boldly and critically reorganize the financial sector in a way that the dysfunctional behavior that characterized its bubble success is dismantled and reshaped.
Civil society should not wait quietly while Obama's team continues to fumble -- and while its key economic policy chiefs play "point the finger" at their colleagues behind the scenes. It's time for serious discussion about what needs to be done. . .and we need better benchmarks than we have for applauding, critiquing, and simply measuring the policy steps the administration is taking.
Paul Krugman, James Galbraith, Joseph Stiglitz, Robert Reich, Robert Kuttner and others have been invaluable commentators and truth-tellers on the macro and micro dimensions of the economic policy steps and missteps the Obama team has been making.
Under the auspices of the New America Foundation Economic Growth Program,Next Social Contract Initiative, and Smart Globalization Initiative -- my colleagues and I are organizing a set of economic policy forums that are going to raise questions about our economic policy course.
The first "Bernard L. Schwartz Economic Policy Symposium" will take place in Washington at the New America Foundation offices on Thursday, 26 March 2009. Attendance information is here.
Financier and former Loral CEO Bernard Schwartz has been trying to push the administration and Congress to realize that there are different kinds of deficits the nation has to struggle with -- and the most important in his mind is leaving an "infrastruture deficit" to the next generation. He will be helping to open this important conference.
Philanthropist and investor George Soros will also be speaking -- and has been pushing a five point plan for the Obama team to consider. His new book is about to appear -- but a short primer piece of his recently appeared on Huffington Post and outlined five key points of an economic recovery plan that the Obama team has flubbed up on for the most part:
1. A fiscal stimulus package2. A thorough overhaul of the mortgage system
3. Recapitalization of the banking system
4. An innovative energy policy
5. Reform of the international financial system
Former National Economic Adviser to President Clinton, Laura D'Andrea Tyson, will also be engaging in a discussion with Chief Economics Commentator and Associate Editor of the Financial Times Martin Wolf. Wolf, who recently authored the book Fixing Global Finance thinks that there is very little that can be done at present time to respond to the collapse of consumption by American consumers that have been the essential driver of global growth. Tyson has been very focused on the question of what America needs to do to rewire a "new social contract" with middle class American workers who have been left behind by the patterns of economic growth in the past.
I have been suggesting for some time that "Tysonomics" -- which recognizes a need for government prioritizing of certain strategic sectors and of regulation -- is very different than the Rubinomics that dominated the Clinton administration (even when Laura Tyson worked for it) and which arguably were at the root of much of the deregulatory, neoliberal mania that helped hatch the economic disaster the nation and world find themselves in today.
Others in this conference will be Mark Zandi, Chief Economist and Co-Founder, Moody's Economy.com as well as author of Financial Shock: Global Panic and Government Bailouts -- How We Got Here and What Must Be Done to Fix It;Tom Gallagher, Senior Managing Director, International Strategy and Investment (ISI) Group; Richard Vague, Chairman and CEO, Energy Plus and Founder and Former Chairman & CEO, First USA Bank; Leo Hindery, Managing Partner, Inter-Media Partners and former CEO, AT&T Broadband Network as well as Former CEO, Yankee Entertainment and Sports Network -- who has been writing recently on the "Obama job creation deficit"; Jeff Madrick, Director of Policy Research, Schwartz Center for Economic Policy Analysis, The New School and author most recently of The Case for Big Government.
Also. . .Sherle R. Schwenninger, Director, Economic Growth Program, New America Foundation; William Gerrity, Chairman and CEO, Gerrity International; Clyde V. Prestowitz, Jr., President and Founder, Economic Strategy Institute; Nicholas Lardy who recently co-authored China's Rise: Challenges and Opportunities and is Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics; and finally one of the most prescient forecasters of today's major economic crisis -- Desmond Lachman, Resident Fellow, American Enterprise Institute.
I will be moderating the meeting along with my colleague Sherle Schwenninger and New America Foundation President and New Yorker staff writer Steve Coll.
Bernard Schwartz. . .George Soros. . .Laura Tyson. . .Martin Wolf. . .Clyde Prestowitz. . .Desmond Lachman. . .Tom Gallagher. . .Steve Coll. . .Mark Zandi. . .William Gerrity. . .Leo Hindery. . .Richard Vague. . .Nicholas Lardy. . .Jeff Madrick. . .Sherle Schwenninger. . .and others make up quite a line up for a great meeting.
For those who are deeply interested in these issues, I should note that George Soros' revised book (in paperback) will be released next week on March 30th and is titled The Crash of 2008 and What it Means: The New Paradigm for Financial Markets. Soros will also have a major economic policy critique/op-ed in tomorrow's (Monday, 23 March) Financial Times and another economic policy op-ed in Tuesday's (24 March) Wall Street Journal. Leo Hindery will have a front cover featured article on the Obama administration's job creation deficit in the April 1 edition of The Nation which should be online early this next week.
This entire conference will STREAM LIVE at The Washington Note between approximately 8:30 am and 1:00 pm EST on Thursday, 26 March 2009.
If you would like to attend, RSVP information is here.
The purpose we have in organizing this meeting is to try and position some of the key issues that should be considered at the London G-20 meeting and to begin to emphasize that the fumbling on economic policy needs to stop.
It's time to begin organizing a Team B economic policy effort -- even if it is organized by a network of concerned civil society leaders.
-- Steve Clemons publishes the popular political blog, The Washington Note
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Obama's oath and inaugural address Jan. 20: President Barack Obama takes the oath of office and delivers his inaugural address from the steps of the Capitol. NBC News |
Inauguration 2009 |
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WASHINGTON - My fellow citizens,
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
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We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
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For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them— that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.
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We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence— the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive ... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
Mark Almberg
April 1st, 2009 at 10:43 am
‘This is not the place for APHA to be’
Dr. Quentin Young, national coordinator of Physicians for a National Health Program and past president of the American Public Health Association, has sent the following letter to the executive director of APHA, Dr. Georges Benjamin:
March 31, 2009
Georges Benjamin, M.D.
Executive Director
American Public Health Association
800 I Street, NW
Washington, DC 20001
Dear Georges,
I just learned that the American Public Health Association has joined with others in the Health Reform Dialogue coalition to issue a report on health care reform and, incidentally, that the principals of the coalition have been meeting for the past six months.
The text of the report and the news release from APHA reinforce every fear that I have about the co-optation of the health reform movement by the for-profit, private corporations in our $2.5 trillion health system.
This is not the place for APHA to be.
I fear that the private interests are seeking to assert their hegemony via this route. They are taking advantage of the chaotic economy to facilitate the complete corporate takeover of the health system.
Now is precisely the time when APHA should be leading the way to a single-payer, publicly funded health program, the very program we have supported for decades.
Sincerely,
Quentin D. Young, M.D., M.A.C.P.
National Coordinator
Physicians for a National Health Program